#### **ORIGINAL ARTICLE** ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_0_Picture_2.jpeg) # **From 'Quirky and Cool' to 'Addicted': Lived Experiences of Sports Betting Harm in Early Adulthood** **Nerilee Hing1 · Vijay Rawat2,4 · Lisa Lole1 · Catherine Tulloch3 · Cassandra K. Dittman¹ · Matthew Rocklof1 · Matthew Browne1** Received: 21 August 2025 / Accepted: 3 December 2025 © The Author(s) 2025 #### **Abstract** Young adults bear the greatest burden of harm from sports betting. This study explored 1) the lived experiences of sports betting harm when people enter adulthood, 2) barriers and catalysts to change, and 3) change strategies used. Interviews with 50 people aged 18–25 who reported sports betting harm were analysed using thematic analysis. Findings highlight the multidimensional nature of harm across fnancial, emotional, vocational, relationship and health domains. The incremental but rapid accumulation of harm in the context of normalised sports betting could mask its emergence. Realising they showed signs of addiction could shake participants' self-image, as their stereotypes of 'addicted' gamblers conficted with marketing representations of sports betting as 'quirky and cool'. Barriers to change included not being ready, not acknowledging the harm, doubts about professional treatment, and confdence they could stop betting if necessary. Catalysts for change included acknowledging the harm, fear of addiction, feeling exploited, awareness of the extent of their losses, and reaching crisis point. Most change strategies entailed self-help, such as budgeting, setting limits, deleting betting apps and closing accounts. Fewer participants sought informal or professional help. Most participants wanted to reduce their betting and be free of gambling urges. These experiences refect the slow, difcult journey away from harm – in contrast to the rapid journey into harm, with its immediate and potential legacy efects on wellbeing. Measures are needed to reverse sports betting normalisation in youth culture, increase understanding of its risks for harm and addiction, and improve consumer protection tools and help-seeking. **Keywords** Sports betting · Wagering · Gambling harm · Problem gambling · Youth · Helpseeking ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_0_Picture_14.jpeg) ^\* Nerilee Hing n.hing@cqu.edu.au ¹ Experimental Gambling Research Laboratory, School of Health, Medical and Applied Sciences, CQUniversity, University Drive, Bundaberg, QLD 4670, Australia ² Experimental Gambling Research Laboratory, School of Health, Medical and Applied Sciences, CQUniversity, Melbourne, VIC, Australia ³ Experimental Gambling Research Laboratory, School of Health, Medical and Applied Sciences, CQUniversity, Sydney, NSW, Australia ⁴ School of Psychology, Deakin University, Burwood, Australia Young people face increased risk of gambling harm when they frst reach the legal gambling age. In Australia, 3–4% of adolescents (12–17 years) report at-risk or problem gambling (Freund et al., [2022](#page-15-0); Hing et al., [2020](#page-16-0)) and this prevalence peaks at 10–11% in early adulthood (18–24 years), before tapering of in older age groups (Sakata & Jenkinson, [2022;](#page-17-0) Suomi et al., [2024](#page-17-1)). This pattern is observed in other countries, including Canada, US, Austria, Denmark, France, Germany, Hungary, North Ireland, Norway, Slovenia and Spain (for specifc prevalence rates in these countries, see Dellosa & Browne, [2024\)](#page-15-1). Several factors combine in early adulthood to elevate this risk. Gambling, like alcohol, is an 'adult activity' and is commonly perceived as a rite of passage, while becoming normalised through advertising and absorption into youth culture (Hing et al., [2023;](#page-16-1) Reith & Dobbie, [2013\)](#page-17-2). Increased gambling in early adulthood is facilitated not only by legal access, but also by decreased (or no) parental oversight, stronger peer infuence, and more fnancial independence (Kristiansen et al., [2017;](#page-16-2) Samuelsson et al., [2018\)](#page-17-3). These factors may combine with a heightened tendency to experiment with novel and risky experiences during this developmental period (Brevers et al., [2022\)](#page-15-2). Sports betting is one gambling activity that particularly attracts young adults (Suomi et al., [2024;](#page-17-1) Wardle & Tipping, [2023](#page-18-0)) and adds disproportionately to gambling harm (Mazar et al., [2020](#page-17-4); Valenciano-Mendoza et al., [2023](#page-17-5)). In Australia, sports betting contributes almost 10% of the total burden of problem gambling (Browne, Delfabbro et al., [2023](#page-15-3)). Since young adults have the highest engagement in sports betting, it is not surprising that harm from sports betting is also concentrated in this age group (Richard & King, [2023\)](#page-17-6). Gambling-related harm constitutes the negative consequences of the activity that result in decrements to wellbeing and quality of life (Browne et al., [2016\)](#page-15-4). Like other gambling activities, harm from sports betting occurs across multiple domains. Psychological harm can include reduced mental health and quality of life (Hing et al., [2017;](#page-16-3) Manu et al., [2024;](#page-17-7) Shaygun et al., [2024\)](#page-17-8). Sports betting is implicated in lower academic achievement and poorer social relations (Avenyo et al., [2024;](#page-15-5) Kitole et al., [2025\)](#page-16-4). Financially, a representative survey found that sports bettors with gambling problems spent nearly six times the average amount on their betting (Armstrong & Carroll, [2017\)](#page-15-6). Many reported seeking fnancial help from signifcant others (50%), being unable to make payments on their bills (34%) or rent/mortgage (28%), chasing losses (27%), and betting more than they could aford (22%), as well as physical or mental health problems from their gambling (12%). Qualitative studies also provide insights into harms from sports betting. In interviews with treatment-seeking bettors (Hing et al., [2021\)](#page-16-5), fnancial harms included being unable to pay bills or buy enough food, lack of money to go out, and debt incurred to friends, credit cards and through other loans. Some participants had no assets to show from years of work. Problematic betting also impacted relationships due to preoccupation, lying, and the fnancial and emotional stress it caused, as well as loss of trust, arguments, anger and abusive behaviours. Participants discussed psychological harm, including shame, guilt, depression and self-disappointment. A study with 35 bettors attending treatment for gambling disorder highlighted workplace harms, including loss of productivity, inattentiveness that posed workplace hazards, and embezzlement of funds for betting; as well as health harms, especially delayed or interrupted sleep (Lopez-Gonzalez et al., [2021\)](#page-16-6). While several studies have examined harm from sports betting, little is known about young people's experiences when they frst reach the legal gambling age when this harm is most widespread. The current study helps to address this gap. It aimed to explore amongst young people reporting moderate or high levels of harm from their sports betting 1) their lived experiences of this harm when they frst entered adulthood, 2) their barriers and catalysts to contemplating change, and 3) the change strategies they used. Understanding more ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_1_Picture_7.jpeg) about these early experiences is important, given that young adults bear the greatest burden of harm from sports betting. # **Methods** # **Recruitment** Our institutional ethics committee approved this study (#24,301). The inclusion criteria were assessed in a recruitment screener: aged 18–25 years, residing in the Australian state of Victoria, providing informed consent, and reporting a moderate or high level of gambling harm on the Gambling Harm Scale-20 (GHS-20; Browne, Newall et al., [2023](#page-15-7)) in relation to their sports betting over the past 12 months. A soft quota was set of 30% in each of the moderate harm (score of 3 to 5 on the GHS-20) and high harm (score of 6+) groups to capture a range of experiences. A recruitment agency obtained the target sample of 50 interviews, which was ample to reach data saturation (Hennink & Kaiser, [2022](#page-15-8)). The agency recruited from its pool of potential participants and through multi-media advertising. Recruitment occurred over 9 weeks from September 2023. Participants were compensated with an AU\$75 gift card. ### **Participant Characteristics** The sample was skewed towards males (34 male, 15 female, 1 non-binary/other gender), metropolitan residents (46 metropolitan, 4 regional), and the older end of the age range: 18 (*n*=2), 19 (*n*=3), 20 (*n*=2), 21 (*n*=8), 22 (*n*=7), 23 (*n*=8), 24 (*n*=9) and 25 (*n*=11). Twenty-six participants reported moderate harm and 24 reported high harm on the GHS-20 (Browne, Newall et al., [2023\)](#page-15-7). All bet on sports betting online, including via smartphone. ### **Interview Administration** Two authors, both experienced gambling researchers, conducted the semi-structured online interviews. Each lasted 45–60 min. The interview guide was designed for a larger study to retrospectively explore each participant's gambling journey from childhood to early adulthood. Of relevance to the current analysis, a section of the interview focused on harms experienced from sports betting. Specifcally, the interviewer asked 'I'd like to now discuss any bad things that may have arisen from your sports betting that may have caused harm to yourself or others. I'm interested in hearing about the nature of any harm, how this may have changed over time, and things you might have done to manage these harms.' The interviewer then asked about any harm from their sports betting in several broad domains based on a taxonomy of gambling harm (fnancial, relationship, emotional, health and work/study; Langham et al., [2015\)](#page-16-7). For each domain, they asked 'Has sports betting impacted on your [fnances/relationships/emotional wellbeing/health/work or study]? How?' and if so, 'Have these harms changed over time? How have they impacted you and others close to you?' If the participants provided few details, the interviewer reminded them of the harm items they had endorsed in the screening tool and asked for more detail about their impacts. Participants were also asked whether they had done anything to help ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_2_Picture_10.jpeg) manage these harms, including self-help, professional help and support from family and friends. The interviews were auto-transcribed using specialised software, then checked and corrected by the interviewer. Participants were ofered the opportunity to review, edit or retract their transcript. One participant asked to review their transcript but did not request any changes. # **Analysis** Refexive thematic analysis was used by the lead researcher to analyse the transcripts, adhering to best practices to identify, analyse and report patterns in the data (Braun & Clarke, [2021](#page-15-9)). The lead researcher has 30 years of experience in qualitative gambling research, most of which has focused on understanding the impacts of gambling to help inform policies and practices to reduce gambling-related harm. She therefore brought appropriate expertise to ensure the analysis was informed and rigorous. Within each topic area articulated in the research questions, both deductive and inductive coding was used to identify preliminary relevant features. For example, ['Financial](#page-4-0) [harm](#page-4-0)' as a theme was deductively identifed based on a prior taxonomy of gambling-related harm (Langham et al., [2015\)](#page-16-7). Within this theme, inductive coding was used to generate its subthemes. As an example, participants' experiences of loss chasing, limited engagement in other activities, and impeded progress towards longer-term goals were coded into the subtheme of 'Responses to fnancial stress'. An iterative coding process then employed the constant comparative method to continually adjust and refne codes. Subsequently, the analysis generated themes by grouping codes with common features, adding new codes, modifying existing ones, and recoding data to ensure the fnal themes meaningfully refected recurring patterns in the research evidence. No new themes emerged after approximately 35 interviews, although subsequent interviews provided further depth and examples to support the analysis. This provides confdence that data saturation was reached. Trustworthiness of the fndings was enhanced by gathering data directly from participants with lived experience of moderate or high levels of sports betting-related harm (Polit & Beck, [2014\)](#page-17-9). Open-ended questions allowed participants to choose the detail they shared, while the interviewers adapted their questions to enhance the depth of discussion, reducing potential biases and improving credibility. The interviewers reviewed and refned the draft analysis to improve its reliability (Connelly, [2016](#page-15-10)). It is important to note, however, that this methodology is necessarily subjective in nature, since the fndings are shaped by how participants interpret and share their experiences and how the researchers interpret the data. Quotes have been lightly edited for clarity and length and are tagged by Participant ID (P#); GHS-20 group (MH=moderate harm, HH=high harm); age in years; and gender (M=male, F=female). # **Positionality Statement** The research team collectively has decades of experience in university-based gambling research in Australia. They aim to conduct research that informs policies and practices to reduce gambling-related harm for individuals, families and communities, and to increase the safer provision, consumption and regulation of gambling. This perspective shaped the ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_3_Picture_11.jpeg) aims and interpretation in the current study to focus on harm from sports betting. Members of the research team have no lived experience of engaging in regular sports betting or of experiencing gambling harm, and are in diferent age groups to the research participants. They therefore bring an external perspective to the issues in the research derived from their own and other studies on the topic. They have approached the topic from a public health perspective that recognises multifaceted infuences on gambling. # **Findings** It is important to note that the fndings relate only to young people who reported moderate to high level harm from their sports betting, and not to all young people who engage in sports betting. Table [1](#page-5-0) summarises the themes and sub-themes extracted from the qualitative analysis. ### **Participants' Experiences of Sports Betting Harm** Figure [1](#page-6-0) summarises the past-year harms from sports betting that participants reported on the GHS-20 (Browne, Newall et al., [2023](#page-15-7)). Financial and emotional harms, as well as using work or study time to gamble, were the most reported harms. # **Financial Harm** Financial harm was the most frequently reported on the GHS-20 (Fig. [1\)](#page-6-0). Harms reported, included reduced savings, having less money to spend on other activities and essentials, increased credit card debt and selling personal items to fund betting. Participants indicated that fnancial harm accumulated incrementally due to regular bets of moderate amounts rather than from occasional large losses: 'It's very easy to rack up without you knowing' (P14, MH, 22, M). Some participants therefore had a gradual realisation of this harm as they had to tighten expenditure, including on essentials: 'I started to get worried because … it's the end of the week, you have bet all the money. It's like, "what will happen here?"' (P7, MH, 24, M). Other participants discussed a more sudden realisation that betting was causing fnancial harm. P6 described realising he was unable to aford a planned holiday, while simultaneously betting and thinking it might provide a helpful win. He then reviewed his bank account and was shocked at how much he was betting. *There was not enough money in my account to fund this trip and yet still I was opening the app and gambling and thinking how it could help … I opened my bank app and searched 'betting' … 55, 55, 10, 20. That's really when it hit me … how much I was actually spending. (P6, HH, 24, M)* Financial stress led to more gambling by some participants as they chased their losses. *I wouldn't have as much money as I need to buy the groceries, so some weeks I would be like, 'oh I'm gonna make up for last week's losses', so then I gamble that and then I'd have almost no money. (P42, HH, 19, M)* Financial stress could compromise participants' engagement in other activities and their longer-term goals, such as moving out of home or buying a car. This realisation could prompt them to see betting as unafordable or to prioritise essential expenditures. ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_4_Picture_13.jpeg) | Table 1 Themes and sub-themes | | |-------------------------------|--| |-------------------------------|--| | Themes | Sub-themes | |------------------------------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------| | Financial harm | Incremental accumulation rather than occasional large losses
Recognition of harm could be gradual or sudden
Responses to fnancial stress | | Emotional harm | Immediate regret and guilt
Declining mental health over time
Concerned and ashamed they were becoming addicted
Elevated stress | | Harm to work and study | Impacts on study reported more than impacts on work
Distracted by time and mental efort spent on betting
Impaired performance | | Relationship harm | Relationship confict about time and money spent betting, and
broken promises
Couples can mutually reinforce betting behaviour
Harm to friendships due to unsuccessful tips and increased
social isolation
Harm to family relationships, but most hid their betting from
family | | Harm to physical health | Stress
Less sleep and overall exhaustion | | Barriers to contemplating change | Not ready to change
Not feeling they needed to change but could change if needed
Confdence in beating the system | | Catalysts for contemplating change | Increased understanding and fear of addiction
Learning from frst-hand experience of losses
Learning there are no guaranteed wins
Seeing the extent of their losses
Realising they now enjoyed betting less
Reaching crisis point
Change in circumstances | | Change strategies used | Budgeting tools and reviewing betting and fnancial statements
Set deposit limits on betting accounts
Deleted betting apps and closed accounts
Stopped socialising with friends who are keen bettors
Curtailed alcohol consumption when betting
Turned to friends and family for support
Sought professional help | *That's why I tapered of … you can't experience stuf or go out. I also moved out of home … once the bills came in … I don't have enough money to be doing this. This is afecting my food shops, so I gotta cut it down. (P50, HH, 24, M)* #### **Emotional Harm** Emotional harm was frequently reported on the GHS-20, including regret, shame, depression, anxiety and distress (Fig. [1\)](#page-6-0). About one-third of participants also reported feeling worthless or a failure. Some emotions were feeting, such as regret over a losing bet: 'When you lose, you just wish you were dead' (P15, HH, 21, F). However, many participants reported declining mental health over time that was experienced as lower mood, increased anxiety and ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_5_Picture_7.jpeg) ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_6_Figure_1.jpeg) **Fig. 1** Types of sports betting-related harm reported by participants (*N*=50) decreased self-worth. Some participants described how their betting resulted in mood swings to the detriment of themselves and others, feeling depressed and regretful after losing, but elated when they won. *Losing money … you have big mood swings. It just makes you unpleasant to be around. But … you can be very pleasant to be around if you have a big win. It's a roller coaster of emotions. (P9, HH, 23, M)* Concern about developing a gambling addiction could shake participants' identity as they felt intense shame that they had lost control and could now be easily triggered to bet, even against their better judgement: 'Ashamed … How did I get myself into this? I'd feel like a bit of a degenerate' (P24, HH, 24, M) and 'Why would I do that? It feels like you don't have much control over your decisions' (P16, HH, 24, F). Some participants started to worry whether their betting was 'a problem, if you are addicted to it' (P7, MH, 24, M). This concern resulted in shock, shame and self-disappointment that impacted participants' self-images: *I tallied up how much I actually spent… I was a bit ashamed because I noticed it had gotten out of hand, from the social point to an early stage of addiction point … Nobody wants to think that they're addicted, especially not young people. I'm like, 'oh god, I look like one of those addicted old men at the pub.' (P11, HH, 23, F) I was just really unhappy because I felt really bad about myself. I don't know who I've become. I'm addicted to this, and I promised myself that I wouldn't become one of those people. (P32, HH, 19, F)* These negative emotions typically compounded to elevate stress, both in the moment of betting and over the longer-term, due to ongoing fnancial pressures, worry about their future wellbeing, and difculties in resisting gambling urges: 'It's a vicious cycle. You're thinking about money all the time, you've got no money, and then that leads to thinking about gambling, and then stress. Just general stress' (P9, HH, 23, M). *It did have a huge impact on my mental health. I was down a lot more and I was very anxious … And feeling like I couldn't talk to anyone about it because they would judge me … I was still actively trying to avoid gambling. That was a load in itself. (P42, HH, 19, M)* ### **Harm to Work and Study** Harm to work and study were commonly reported on the GHS. Around half the participants had used work or study time to gamble, and about one-third reported reduced performance, such as lower grades (Fig. [1\)](#page-6-0). Some also reported gambling-related absences from work or university classes to watch a match they had bet on. Impacts on study were more widely discussed than impacts on work. Betting often distracted participants, as they spent time and mental efort researching and placing bets, worrying about winning back losses, and being preoccupied with gambling: 'using study time to build a multi for the weekend' (P18, MH, 21, M), and 'thinking … how am I gonna make my losses back?' (P42, HH, 19, M). P21 recalled thinking that: 'gambling feels productive because I feel like I'm making money, "oh, it's worth not studying if I'm going to make \$100"' (P21, HH, 22, F). P4 recounted being repeatedly distracted by betting opportunities. ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_7_Picture_10.jpeg) *I was meant to be studying, then I'd just pick up my phone and put a bet on, put it down, and then I'd pick up my phone and put a bet on, put it down, study a bit and put a bet on, put it down, study a bit and then realise that it was jumping in minute's time, pick up my phone again. And that was going on for a couple of hours. (P4, HH, 24, M)* As well as diminishing short-term focus, this distraction could impair their performance: 'You lose sleep and can't wake up the next day or can't perform your best' (P1, MH, 22, F. *It was pretty bad. 'Cause I was checking Bet365 all the time … I found myself drawn out of the assessment headspace to the betting headspace … major assessments were due, and I did quite poorly … I put it down to how much time I spent obsessing over gambling. (P11, HH, 23, F)* Participants also discussed how they bet during work hours and were distracted by betting outcomes. P14 described how betting was a regular practice in his workplace that 'did take time out of my day' (P14, MH, 22, M). Betting losses incurred during work time could also undermine performance. *I'd get an upsetting loss on the job and then fve minutes later I'd have to go and smile and interact with people … I defnitely wouldn't have been giving 100%. So, when that ripples into your job, you know it's an issue. (P24, HH, 24, M)* # **Relationship Harm** Relationship harm was less frequently reported on the GHS-20, refecting that many participants were not in a romantic relationship. About one-ffth reported greater confict in relationships and spending less time with people they care about (Fig. [1\)](#page-6-0). Among those participants in a relationship, betting could lead to tension because the participant lacked money to go out, prioritised betting with friends over spending time with their partner, or broke commitments. Arguments could raise broader issues, such as wasting money and depleted savings. *A lot of fghting … 'you should be adding money to your savings' … You feel guilty for the moment … and then you promise you're not going to do it and it happens again. (P15, HH, 21, F)* A few participants reported that both they and their partner were highly involved in sports betting and that sharing this activity undermined their relationship as they mutually reinforced each other's behaviour. *It's like two people feeding of each other – who are addicted to the same thing, full on just talking about it nonstop … I was getting so angry at him because he cared more about it than he cared about me. (P32, HH, 19, F)* Friendships were afected because participants lacked the money to go out, isolated themselves after betting losses, or prioritised betting interests over spending time with friends: 'You just don't have the money to do things, and you just want to isolate yourself when you've lost a lot of money.' (P9, HH, 23, M). Acting on bad tips from friends could strain friendships: 'I put my money on my mate's game … Then you get angry at them, so that impacts your relationship' (P10, HH, 25, M). ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_8_Picture_13.jpeg) Impacts on relationships with family were infrequently mentioned as participants tended to hide their betting from those who might disapprove: 'I wouldn't ever tell my parents about it … It's only something I'd speak about with mates' (P6, HH, 24, M). A few participants reported tension, especially if they lived in the family home: 'My mum … was judging me a lot … I know she just cares for me and she's worried, but I do think that jeopardised our relationship (P42, HH, 19, M). # **Harm to Physical Health** Few participants reported harm to their physical health from betting on the GHS-20. However, one participant spoke about stress rashes she thought were exacerbated by her betting: 'When I went to the doctor, they were like, 'that's defnitely stress' (P11, HH, 23, F). Others noted their betting could lead to less sleep and overall exhaustion due to watching matches in diferent time zones, the time they invested in betting activities, and worry over their losses. *You're going to sleep watching the game, you're waking up watching the game, and then you're placing your bets during the day … it was really time-consuming and draining. (P32, HH, 19, F)* *I couldn't sleep for two to three weeks. I was down, upset, a crappy person, especially because that was pretty much all the money I had. It was a large amount. (P44, MH, 21, M)* # **Barriers to Contemplating Change** When interviewed, some participants were not contemplating changing their betting behaviour, even though some reported their gambling harm was still escalating. P15 discussed how her gambling had worsened since she turned 18, but that she was not ready to change. *It's been happening for the last three years. It's the constant wanting to win and I hope it stops … I've looked into it [professional help]. But unless you want to change, you can speak to someone for hours telling you why you should change. It doesn't mean nothing. Yes, I've tried. I've actually read quite a lot into it. Has it stopped me? No. It's on you. (P15, HH, 21, F)* Some participants did not recognise or acknowledge the harm their betting caused and considered it was sustainable: 'I still don't think I'm in that stage where I need to worry too much … I think I've got a good handle on it' (P13, MH, 19, M). Other participants felt they could change their behaviour in the future if necessary. *If I have that kind of eye-opening experience or lose a lot of money or … lose a friendship because of gambling or it turns into an addiction, then I would start changing my own thoughts … right now there's nothing particular that I want to change. (P17, MH, 20, F)* Not contemplating change could also arise from confdence in beating the system, based on a conviction about having specialist knowledge and a well-developed understanding of probability. ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_9_Picture_13.jpeg) *It's probably the frst time in my life where I've been, 'oh, I can actually see how you can win at this' … being comfortable with the numbers and risk management. I've been a lot smarter at that now than I was at 18 or19. (P20, MH, 25, M)* ### **Catalysts for Contemplating Change** Several participants reported taking purposeful steps to better control their betting. Along with their general experiences of harm, they noted some specifc catalysts. Some participants reported increased understanding that betting can be addictive after experiencing how difcult it can be to resist, hearing or reading stories about gambling harm, or realising they were being exploited by the gambling industry. Fear of an uncontrolled addiction could prompt eforts to reduce betting. *Before I was 18, I didn't really understand how people could be addicted to gambling. I thought, 'why don't you just delete the app?' … When I started putting in money, I realised it's not that simple … I realised there's an addiction aspect to it, not just losing money. (P2, HH, 22, M)* *I've seen that people are fully addicted to it. It was eye-opening … how quickly they can fall into it, as well as how much it took over my mind. I was like, 'I understand why people are addicted to this' … addiction is a disease and it's not a person's fault … it's such a horrible industry that is targeting the most primal aspects of people, money and that dopamine rush … it's exploitative. (P36, MH, 18, M)* Some participants who had recently decreased their betting discussed learning from frst-hand experience of losses and realising it was easy to get carried away. *A lot of self-refection and then realising that the money is real and is coming out of your bank account … you have to just do it and lose some money … you've got to learn for yourself. (P8, MH, 22, F)* Learning there are no guaranteed outcomes and being confronted with the extent of their losses could shock participants into self-refection and change. *When certain events that I thought were absolutely certain to happen didn't, that's when I realised … 'you're gonna lose in the long run' … that happened enough times where I learned, 'Yeah, this is purely gambling … It's not a tool to make money'. (P24, HH, 24, M)* *Looking at my [betting] statement … I saw that in a month I put \$200 in … And then the next month it was the same. It made me stop. It let me pull back. (P4, HH, 24, M)* Some participants reduced their betting because it became less enjoyable as it was 'no longer quirky, fun and exciting' (P24, HH, 24, M), and 'as I've grown up … it's just much less cool' (P50, HH, 24, M). Other participants reached a crisis point that forced them to disclose their betting to family and friends. *It all came to a head. My car ended up breaking down and I needed it for work, so I didn't have the money for it and I tried to get a loan … They [parents] were like 'did you get accepted [for a loan]?' And I was like, 'no, I didn't'. And they were like, 'what's going on?'. I was like, 'oh, I've had this and this going on for years' … it was a big step for me. (P9, HH, 23, M)* ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_10_Picture_14.jpeg) For other participants, a change in circumstances prompted a change in their betting, such as during and after COVID lockdowns. *When I was 22 it was out of control and it's 'cause we were in lockdown and I was bored … once those pandemic funds stopped and I went back to work I was like, 'okay it's no longer government money, it's my money' … I deleted everything and I eventually just got back to my \$5, \$10 here and there. (P30, HH, 25, F)* ### **Change Strategies Used** Participants seeking to reduce or better control their betting reported using various selfhelp strategies. Using budgeting tools and reviewing their betting outlays and losses could help change their thinking. *I know statistically from looking at my history that I'm not going to win, so it's just having that mindset of 'You're going to lose' … knowing you can aford to lose that money. (P4, HH, 24, M)* Some participants set deposit limits on their betting accounts to limit fnancial damage and provide a break from betting: 'with a certain time of, with the deposit limit … the cravings sort of go away' (P24, HH, 24, M). Several participants deleted betting apps and closed accounts to remove temptation: 'not having it right there, it's the best way to avoid it' (P7, MH, 24, M). However, some participants felt these measures were of little use because they could easily open more accounts when they had gambling urges or wait only a few weeks to increase limits. Some participants stopped socialising with friends who were keen bettors to avoid peer infuence. Others curtailed their alcohol consumption when betting because, when under the infuence, 'you stop thinking and then you throw \$300 down' (P28, HH, 25, M). Other participants turned to friends and family for support. P6 described how sports betting was a shared interest with his housemates. In trying to reduce his own betting, he encouraged them to also cut back. *I tried to rally my friends as well to take a step back and calm down a bit. So, it's been helpful for all of us … it's defnitely easier when you've got your mates doing it with you. (P6, HH, 24, M)* P9 frst reached out to friends for support and initially found them receptive, but he felt they tired of his many failed attempts. *I let them [friends] know that I have an issue and they try to look out for me. But I've tried to stop so many times that they're almost tired of it … 'oh, he's just not trying' … But not everyone's like that. And it's not on them to be looking over me, it's up to me. (P9, HH, 23, M)* Two participants found professional support useful, but they continued to struggle and had relapsed several times after successful breaks. *Every week I have a call with [the helpline], checking in, how I'm doing, talk about things we can put in place to manage it … I have a relapse, then stop again and then have another relapse. But I've got some things in place now that make it quite hard for me to lose a lot of money … I've cut up all my cards … I have one bank account* ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_11_Picture_14.jpeg) *and a game block on that, so it doesn't let me go to any gambling sites as a merchant. (P9, HH, 23, M)* Overall, participants using change strategies had varying degrees of success, suggesting they had commenced a journey away from gambling harm that may or may not be sustained. Most felt they had reduced the harm but would like to reduce it further and be free of gambling urges. Many explained they still felt strong temptations to bet, especially when friends were betting, and because betting and betting advertising were enmeshed in the sports they enjoyed watching. Other participants were in a cycle of abstention and relapse. # **Discussion** The study's frst aim was to explore, amongst young people reporting moderate or high levels of harm from their sports betting, their lived experiences of this harm when they frst entered adulthood. One feature of their experiences was the incremental accumulation of harm in multiple domains, consistent with other youth sports betting research (Hing et al., [2024;](#page-16-8) McGee et al., [2020;](#page-17-10) Parke & Parke, [2019](#page-17-11)). In the fnancial domain, as betting and chasing losses escalated, relatively small losses spiralled into unafordable amounts that could impair the ability to meet essential expenses and longer-term goals. Fleeting negative emotions in response to losses often transitioned into deteriorations in overall mental health, with participants becoming stressed, anxious and moody. Harm to relationships could also compound, causing increased confict with partners and deteriorating friendships. Shame, stigma and fear of judgement typically led participants to increasingly bet alone and be less honest with others about their betting. Sports betting could also interrupt participants' work, leading to lower productivity due to mental distraction, time spent, and frustration over losses (Hudson Breen et al., [2024;](#page-16-9) Lopez-Gonzalez et al., [2021](#page-16-6); Raf et al., [2023\)](#page-17-12). Also notable in this young sample were distractions from their studies, which can undermine educational outcomes (Avenyo et al., [2024](#page-15-5); Kitole et al., [2025\)](#page-16-4). Another notable feature was the rapid development of harm, demonstrating the apparent ease of quickly sliding into harmful patterns of behaviour. Some participants had been legally betting for only one or two years before their harm reached moderate to high levels. As well as immediate efects, these experiences so early in adulthood may have lasting impacts, given this is typically a foundational time for establishing future fnances, relationships, mental health and careers. Gambling harm can have legacy efects even after a gambling problem is resolved (Rocklof et al., [2022\)](#page-17-13), but it is unclear how these efects might vary by age cohort and should be examined in future research. The relatively rapid transition from betting as a novel rite of passage, to a frequent and normalised pursuit among peers, can mask the emergence of harm. Sports betting is relatively unstigmatised as a harmless, fun activity, sanitised by its links to sport (Hing et al., [2023\)](#page-16-1). Bettors may therefore not recognise early signs of harm or be unaware that betting can lead to addiction (Lopez-Gonzalez et al., [2019\)](#page-16-10). The participants tended to be shocked to realise they might be becoming addicted. This realisation brought intense shame that contributed to secrecy, social isolation and self-stigma, grounded in a fear of being labelled, stereotyped, judged and demeaned (Hing & Russell, [2017](#page-16-11); Horch & Hodgins, [2015](#page-16-12)). These young people were particularly perturbed about how they now resemble a 'gambling addict' rather than the 'cool' social representations of sports bettors conveyed in marketing (Lopez-Gonzalez et al., [2018](#page-16-13)). This realisation could shake these participants' self-image as it conficted with their previously-held stereotypes of 'normal' vs 'addicted' gamblers. These ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_12_Picture_7.jpeg) fndings suggest that consumer education is needed to broaden understandings of addiction to sports betting, such as through experts-by-experience from the same age cohort. The study's second aim was to explore barriers and catalysts to contemplating change amongst young people reporting moderate or high levels of harm from their sports betting, refecting the participants' diverse responses to sports betting harm. Several factors were linked to patterns of escalation and continuation. These included not being ready to change, not recognising or acknowledging their betting was causing harm, doubting the efectiveness of help services, and thinking their betting system guaranteed overall wins. Some participants were confdent they could limit their gambling if needed, refecting limited understanding of the nature of addiction. These fndings are consistent with common barriers to change found in gambling research (Hing et al., [2012](#page-15-11); Loy et al., [2018](#page-16-14); Suurvali et al., [2009](#page-17-14)). As noted earlier, the normalisation of sports betting and its relative lack of stigma may lead bettors to underestimate its potential for addiction (Lopez-Gonzalez et al., [2019\)](#page-16-10). In contrast, several participants had overcome these initial barriers and were taking steps to limit their betting. Catalysts for self-refection and change included acknowledging the harm, fear of addiction, and feeling exploited by the gambling industry. Among gambling self-help strategies, these types of 'cognitive strategies' are particularly helpful in prompting and maintaining change (Rodda et al., [2018\)](#page-17-15). Seeing the extent of their losses on fnancial statements also motivated change, supporting that 'feedback strategies' can also help (Rodda et al., [2018\)](#page-17-15). A few participants also described reaching a crisis point, which is a common trigger for help-seeking, especially through professional treatment (Suurvali et al., [2009\)](#page-17-14). Overall, the fndings generally encompass the main motivators for change in the literature: fnancial issues, negative emotions and crises (Hing et al., [2012;](#page-15-11) Loy et al., [2018](#page-16-14)). Most change strategies used by the young people reporting moderate or high levels of harm from their sports betting (Aim 3) entailed self-help, refecting that people experiencing gambling harm tend to avoid disclosure and the attendant shame and fear of stigma (Hing et al., [2012,](#page-15-11) [2016;](#page-16-15) Lubman et al., [2015\)](#page-16-16). Self-help strategies included 'planning strategies' (Rodda et al., [2018\)](#page-17-15), such as setting deposit limits, deleting betting apps and closing accounts. Unlike land-based gambling, these options are distinctive to account-based gambling. While the platform features of online sports betting appear to elevate the risk of harm (Hing et al., [2024](#page-16-8); James et al., [2017](#page-16-17); Parke & Parke, [2019\)](#page-17-11), they also allow for additional harm reduction options (Newall & Swanton, [2024](#page-17-16)). However, the participants found these measures can be easily circumvented, for example, by opening new accounts. Some participants used strategies to 'manage urges' (Rodda et al., [2018\)](#page-17-15), including not socialising with keen bettors and limiting their alcohol consumption when betting. The participants less commonly used informal help from family or friends or professional help, consistent with low rates of help-seeking, especially among those with moderate rather than severe gambling harm (Bijker, [2022;](#page-15-12) Hing et al., [2012](#page-15-11)). This reticence suggests the need for consumer protection tools that better enable people to recognise signs of gambling harm and self-manage their betting, as well as measures that lower barriers to help-seeking, such as stigma reduction strategies. Overall, some participants had reduced their betting, but most wanted to reduce it further and no longer feel gambling urges. Some cycled through abstention and relapse, which is a common experience during attempted recovery (Smith et al., [2015](#page-17-17)). The participants' experiences refect the slow and difcult process of moving away from gambling harm, in contrast to their rapid journey into harm. Several limitations apply to this study. It prioritised gaining rich data over representative sampling. Self-selection bias may be present since voluntary consent was required. Given the stigma associated with gambling problems, the sample may be skewed towards those who had begun to limit their betting. The older age group (23–25 years) was over-represented. ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_13_Picture_7.jpeg) Men were also over-represented, but this refects their greater use of sports betting in Victoria (Suomi et al., [2024](#page-17-1)). The fndings highlight that women also experience sports betting harm, but our sample size did not allow for gender comparisons. In any gambling study, social desirability biases may be present, particularly for people experiencing harm. The fndings should be interpreted as insights into the lived experience of participants, and not necessarily as representative of all young people harmed by sports betting. Because we recruited bettors experiencing past-year harm, the fndings do not capture the perspectives of people who have successfully resolved past problems with betting. Further, the study focused only on young people reporting moderate or high levels of harm from their sports betting, and the results cannot be generalised to all young people who engage in sports betting. # **Conclusion** This study provides insights into the lived experiences of sports betting harm in early adulthood. The young participants, who all reported moderate or high levels of harm from their sports betting, had been sold a product marketed as normal, 'quirky and cool', only to sufer harm and addiction just a few years later. Not only did this compromise the quality of their early adult life, but they now faced the challenge of freeing themselves from dependence and harm to avoid lasting efects on their future wellbeing. Risk reduction is critical in this cohort because they disproportionately carry the burden of harm from sports betting. The fndings suggest that eforts are needed to reverse the normalisation of sports betting in youth culture, enhance understanding of sports betting's potential for harm and addiction, and improve consumer protection tools and help-seeking. Potentially efective measures include a reduction in sports betting advertising that targets young people in broadcast, online and direct media; schools-based and youth education that raises awareness of the risk of harm and addiction from sports betting; embedding harm alerts in betting apps; and providing youth-focused support services for gambling harm. **Author Contribution** All authors helped to design the study and research materials. Nerilee Hing supervised the data collection. Vijay Rawat and Lisa Lole conducted the interviews. Nerilee Hing, Vijay Rawat and Lisa Lole contributed to the analyses and interpretation. Nerilee Hing completed the frst draft of the manuscript. All authors read, refned and approved the submitted version of the manuscript. **Funding** This study was funded by the Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation (VRGF) (project number GR12/23/02). From 1 July 2024, the Victorian Government transferred the functions of the Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation to other parts of government. The research and evaluation functions transferred to the Department of Justice and Community Safety. **Data Availability** Data are the property of the State Government of Victoria and requests for data should be made to them. #### **Declarations** **Ethics Approval** This study was approved by the CQUniversity Human Research Ethics Committee, approval number: 24301. **Informed Consent** All procedures followed were in accordance with the ethical standards of the responsible committee on human experimentation (institutional and national) and with the Helsinki Declaration of 1975, as revised in 2000 (5). Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study. **Confict of Interest** All authors declare that they have no confict of interest. ![](https://assets.reachrx.ai/images/10.1007%E2%98%8Ds11469-025-01612-0/_page_14_Picture_11.jpeg) **Open Access** This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License, which permits any non-commercial use, sharing, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if you modifed the licensed material. You do not have permission under this licence to share adapted material derived from this article or parts of it. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article's Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. 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